Return-Path: <sentto-279987-1800-1000334239-fc=all.net@returns.onelist.com> Delivered-To: fc@all.net Received: from 204.181.12.215 by localhost with POP3 (fetchmail-5.1.0) for fc@localhost (single-drop); Wed, 12 Sep 2001 16:52:20 -0700 (PDT) Received: (qmail 1853 invoked by uid 510); 12 Sep 2001 23:51:15 -0000 Received: from n1.groups.yahoo.com (216.115.96.51) by 204.181.12.215 with SMTP; 12 Sep 2001 23:51:15 -0000 X-eGroups-Return: sentto-279987-1800-1000334239-fc=all.net@returns.onelist.com Received: from [10.1.4.54] by hh.egroups.com with NNFMP; 12 Sep 2001 22:37:19 -0000 X-Sender: fc@big.all.net X-Apparently-To: iwar@onelist.com Received: (EGP: mail-7_3_2_1); 12 Sep 2001 22:37:19 -0000 Received: (qmail 7265 invoked from network); 12 Sep 2001 22:36:00 -0000 Received: from unknown (10.1.10.26) by l8.egroups.com with QMQP; 12 Sep 2001 22:36:00 -0000 Received: from unknown (HELO big.all.net) (65.0.156.78) by mta1 with SMTP; 12 Sep 2001 22:35:56 -0000 Received: (from fc@localhost) by big.all.net (8.9.3/8.7.3) id PAA05125 for iwar@onelist.com; Wed, 12 Sep 2001 15:30:15 -0700 Message-Id: <200109122230.PAA05125@big.all.net> To: iwar@onelist.com (Information Warfare Mailing List) Organization: I'm not allowed to say X-Mailer: don't even ask X-Mailer: ELM [version 2.5 PL1] From: Fred Cohen <fc@all.net> Mailing-List: list iwar@yahoogroups.com; contact iwar-owner@yahoogroups.com Delivered-To: mailing list iwar@yahoogroups.com Precedence: bulk List-Unsubscribe: <mailto:iwar-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com> Date: Wed, 12 Sep 2001 15:30:15 -0700 (PDT) Reply-To: iwar@yahoogroups.com Subject: [iwar] [fc:World-War,-Cold-War-Won.-Now,-The-Gray-War] Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Washington Post September 12, 2001 News Analysis World War, Cold War Won. Now, The Gray War By David Von Drehle, Washington Post Staff Writer Sudden, stealthy and brutal, the terrorist strikes in New York and Washington -- possibly the bloodiest assaults on American soil since the Civil War -- inevitably brought up the memory of Pearl Harbor. But the comparison, while potent, is imperfect. The Japanese sneak attack on the U.S. fleet felt like something new 60 years ago, but in fact it was quite traditional: a clash of nations and an attempt to project political power, waged by warriors against warriors. Yesterday, September 11, 2001 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by a faceless, stateless enemy apparently lacking any conventional political objective. The United States was brought to a warlike state of emergency -- the president operating from secure military bases, all national air traffic grounded, financial markets closed, offices across the country emptied, lower Manhattan a sealed disaster zone -- but by evening, no one had taken responsibility for the attack or connected it to any particular demand or purpose. "It is clear now, as it was on Dec. 7, 1941, that the United States is at war," said former CIA director R. James Woolsey in a televised interview. "The question is: with whom?" This is a new kind of war. Yesterday's attack is, however, a sort of descendant of Pearl Harbor, which pulled the United States into World War II. That was the last global war, a seeming culmination of conventional warfare. What began on Dec. 7, 1941, ended with the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The atomic age brought along its own new kind of war, the Cold War. The United States won that fight after 40 long years. Having prevailed in the great "hot" and "cold" wars, the bloody muse of history now gives us the Gray War, a war without fronts, without armies, without rules, in which the weapon can be any commercial jet and the target any building anywhere. "We've witnessed a turn in history," said retired ambassador Morton Abramowitz, former head of intelligence and research at the State Department, "and in the way the United States will look at the world for a long time to come." The 1993 truck bomb attack on the World Trade Center was an opening skirmish, said Daniel Benjamin, a leading anti-terrorism expert for the Clinton administration. That bombing, which killed six people, was a failed attempt to do what yesterday was catastrophically achieved. "In this new era, the threat is more explicitly religious. There is a desire to create mass casualties among Americans," he said. A particular strand of radical Islamic thinking influences certain terrorists, who believe that the United States is "the corrupting influence in the universe." The point, for these enemies, is not "to score a political point or to raise the political influence of one group or country," Benjamin explained. It is to kill Americans and undermine Americanism. This, too, feels new. Terrorism has long been the weapon of the weak against the strong. But the weak had a worldly agenda. John Brown raided Harper's Ferry to end slavery. The Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated in 1914 to drive the Austro-Hungarian empire out of Serbia. Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel was shot in 1995 to defeat the Oslo peace process. The current terror bombings in the Middle East are designed to drive Israel out of contested territory. The goals of the new enemy appear to be almost rhetorical, a terror founded on corpses, but shaped by symbolism. Government officials said yesterday they suspect that Osama bin Laden was a guiding or sponsoring figure behind the attack. Bin Laden is known to loathe and resent American influence around the world. Yesterday's targets were powerful symbols of that influence. The twin towers of the World Trade Center represented the financial supremacy of Wall Street, while the Pentagon is the center of America's world-dominating military. By damaging, even obliterating, these symbols, the attackers seek to explode the whole idea of American authority. A zealot by temperament, a millionaire by inheritance, bin Laden is in one sense the sort of menace-without-a-country that figured, cartoonishly, in old James Bond movies. If he was, in fact, the author of the attack, he has a deeply cinematic imagination. Images wrought by the attack in New York yesterday were right out of a big-budget Hollywood production, and made the reality almost impossible to believe. But real it was, and awful even beyond the jaded sensibility of news junkies, and remorselessly cold. As far as we know there was not a word spoken in justification of the attacks. Without negotiation or pity, the jets smashed with their doomed passengers into their targets. President Bush spoke of "thousands" dead, meaning that Sept. 11 can compare with only a few days in American history. At Pearl Harbor, 2,403 people were killed and 1,178 wounded; of the dead, only 68 were civilians, most of them killed in Honolulu by errant bombs. On April 17, 1862 -- the nation's worst day of carnage -- some 23,000 Union and Confederate soldiers were killed, wounded or went missing at the Battle of Antietam. There are some clear, immediate lessons in the twisted symbols the day. Distance has been conquered, for example. While this idea has been talked about in glowing terms in recent years -- how the cellphone and the Internet and the fax machine and the jet have all shrunk the world and lowered its boundaries -- yesterday's attacks are the dark face of a small world. The two oceans and the safe borders that gave the United States nearly two centuries of fortress security mean nothing to the nation's Gray War enemies. Or another, even more jarring: We are all soldiers now. Anyone can be awarded a Purple Heart in this war, or be killed in action. The new warfare moves the military even further to the periphery and takes the battle to the civilians. If the World Trade Center is a symbol, then so can a small-town City Hall be a symbol -- of American complacency or vulnerability. A person can be killed for being on a particular airplane, or for being a New York City firefighter, or for working in a skyscraper. As the president put it in his speech last night: "The victims were in airplanes or in their offices -- secretaries, business men and women, military and federal workers, moms and dads, friends and neighbors." Put these these two facts together, and you might conclude that fighting this war will be a grim business, minus the clear-cut heroism of the hot wars or the gadgetry of the cold. On a street corner in New York yesterday, Justin Hudnall, 20, a student at New York University, puffed a cigarette and indulged a Greatest Generation notion. "I don't think the draft would have been a possibility for [my] generation in this country before today," he said. "But now, the natural response is to do something. I'd like to be lifting something or doing something." However, Benjamin, having spent several years inside the White House weighing the realities of this new warfare, believes the sacrifices involved this time may be quite different. This war cannot be fought antiseptically with lasers or satellites. Instead, the familiar inconvenience of air travel is likely to become much, much worse; the entrenched surroundings of public buildings even more forbidding. "There is likely to be a complete change in the posture of police and national security authorities," he predicted. By which he means more surveillance, more covert operations, more walks on the shady side, in general, a response likely "to strike a lot of people as an unacceptable assault on civil liberties. There will be strong constituencies on both sides," he said. In other words, this war may renew an old American battle, citizen against citizen: What We Stand For versus What It Takes. Many commentators -- politicians, diplomats, historians -- said yesterday that the nation will long remember Sept. 11 with an intensity reserved for only a few essential shocks: the Kennedy assassination, Pearl Harbor, such as these. If this is true, it will be because these attacks truly were the first step down a very dark and dangerous alley. This will have been the day that the country deeply understood the maxim of Leon Trotsky, the Russian revolutionary. There are no bystanders, there is no neutrality, when it comes to war. "You may not be interested in war," Trotsky said. "But war is interested in you." ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor ---------------------~--> Secure your servers with 128-bit SSL encryption! Grab your copy of VeriSign's FREE Guide: "Securing Your Web Site for Business." Get it Now! http://us.click.yahoo.com/n7RbFC/zhwCAA/yigFAA/kgFolB/TM ---------------------------------------------------------------------~-> ------------------ http://all.net/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
This archive was generated by hypermail 2.1.2 : 2001-09-29 21:08:42 PDT