[iwar] [fc:Newsweek:.Air.Force.Planes.May.Drop.Food.To.Undermine.Bin.Laden's.Taliban.Protectors]

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Date: 2001-09-30 17:58:16


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Subject: [iwar] [fc:Newsweek:.Air.Force.Planes.May.Drop.Food.To.Undermine.Bin.Laden's.Taliban.Protectors]
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Newsweek: Air Force Planes May Drop Food To Undermine Bin Laden's Taliban Protectors
Bush Says He Is Resisting A 'Certain Level Of Bloodlust,' But Air

Strikes On Opium Warehouses Also Considered; Congressional Leaders Told
That Special Forces Teams Had Slipped Into Taliban-Controlled Area of
Afghanistan NEW YORK, Sept.  30 -- The first use of Air Force planes in
Afghanistan may be to drop shipments of food, not bombs, Newsweek
reports in the current issue.  Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and
Secretary of State Colin Powell privately briefed members of Congress on
the evolving strategy against Osama bin Laden, the suspected terrorist
behind the Sept.  11 attacks in New York City and Washington, including
the possible use of humanitarian aid to peel away support from the
country's Taliban rulers and leave bin Laden exposed, reports Chief
Political Correspondent Howard Fineman, in the October 8 issue of
Newsweek (on newsstands Monday, October 1). 

(Photo: NewsCom: http://www.newscom.com/cgi-bin/prnh/20010929/HSSA004)

In another development, Newsweek learned that key congressional leaders
last week were secretly told, as required by law, that special forces
reconnaissance teams -- British at first, followed by Americans -- had
slipped into a Taliban-controlled portion of Afghanistan.  The British
were activated initially, sources tell Newsweek, because of their long
experience there -- and so that the U.S.  could keep its distance while
a Pakistani delegation made one last diplomatic effort to win a peaceful
handover of bin Laden.  (Taliban leaders rejected it defiantly.)

"There is a certain level of bloodlust," Bush admitted to King Abdullah
II of Jordan, "but we won't let it drive our reaction." Even so, to
satisfy the desire for explosions, Newsweek has learned, Bush was
considering air strikes on Afghanistan's opium warehouses.  Fineman also
reports that aboard Air Force One, on the way to Chicago, Bush mused
aloud about how terrorism had turned a lowly form of aviation into a
potential lethal weapon.  "Who would have thought of crop dusters?" he
asked the congressmen sharing breakfast with him.  Bush imagined a Texas
good ol' boy accidentally flying over the presidential ranch in Crawford
-- only to be greeted by a screaming squadron of F-16s.  "That'll be one
surprised Bubba!" Bush said with a laugh. 

(Articles attached. Read Newsweek's news releases at
<a href="http://www.Newsweek.MSNBC.com">http://www.Newsweek.MSNBC.com>. Click "Pressroom.")

Bush's Reality Check

He knows how hard this is.  But as Bush rattles sabers against bin
Laden, his tough talk may give him much-needed room to maneuver. 

By Howard Fineman

Aboard Air Force One, on the way to Chicago, the talk turned to
crop-dusters.  George W.  Bush mused aloud about how terrorism had
turned a lowly form of aviation into a potentially lethal weapon.  "Who
would have thought of crop-dusters?" he asked the congressmen sharing
breakfast with him.  Increased scrutiny of the dusters, which he ordered
last week, might have its comical aspects.  He imagined a Texas good ole
boy accidentally flying over the presidential ranch in Crawford -- only
to be greeted by a screaming flight of F-16s.  "That'll be one surprised
Bubba!" Bush said with a laugh. 

If only everything was as easy as chasing a lost Bubba from the skies. 
Bush gave the members of Congress a tutorial on the difficulties of
dealing with Osama bin Laden's deadly network, the Taliban in
Afghanistan and the wider terrorist world.  He talked about the need for
patience -- and precision.  People needed to understand, he said, that
the effort would be complex, time-consuming.  The horror of Black
Tuesday called for a "proportional response," chimed in one pol.  Bush
corrected him.  "An effective response," he said. 

It turns out that in George Bush's world, "effective" does not
necessarily mean only military -- at least not with traditional methods,
and not to the extent the world might have expected given the
president's fitfully swaggering rhetoric.  By accident or design, Bush
has found the best use for America's overwhelming military might.  By
hinting at the use of apocalyptic force, you raise the prospect of
global political upheaval.  But that very fear may be the best way of
scaring the world into joining us to do what's right by other means --
diplomatic, financial and legal. 

It's a new doctrine for a new age -- and one that only a Republican with
strong conservative ties could credibly attempt.  Message: wouldn't we
all rather keep Rambo in the basement? With dizzying speed, Bush has
been transformed.  He used to be a missile-loving neoisolationist with
little knowledge of the world at large; now he's a relentless
internationalist who -- for the moment -- prefers to use nonmilitary
means, including humanitarian aid, to destabilize or destroy a hostile
regime.  He might even sanction the kind of "nation-building" he has
long derided, and in the worst imaginable place: post-Taliban
Afghanistan. 

"Effective" is not a fiery word, like "war," or a lofty concept, like
freedom.  But for a president who sees himself as a CEO, "effective" is
the watchword.  When Bush gave his stirring address to Congress, the
goals he set were clear: to eradicate terrorism and allow life to return
to something approaching normal.  But now, in every sphere -- from
military strategy to consumer economics, from homeland defense to
congressional relations -- Bush is facing the daunting realities of
turning those pledges into action. 

Grief counselors say the third week after a tragedy is the turning point
-- the time when emotions begin to fade and reality sets in.  Last week
was it.  Bush finished it with strong support.  In the new Newsweek
Poll, his overall job-approval rating holds steady at a lofty 86
percent, as does his score (88 percent) for handling the crisis so far. 
More important, perhaps, Americans increasingly accept his plea for
patience as he plots his moves in "the first war of the 21st century."
Two weeks ago, 59 percent agreed the United States should "take as long
as necessary to plan something that will work." Last week 63 percent
thought so. 

The risk for Bush is obvious and grave.  He has to deliver results while
the country's patience lasts; outwit the terrorists who, Bush himself
has warned, are planning new attacks.  He has the difficult task of
selling inaction, says a top adviser.  But, for now, most of the GOP's
conservatives don't dare stamp their feet, and Bush is assiduously
cultivating Democrats, cutting deals on spending and taxes that make his
right flank nervous.  "Our motto is 'Hug a Democrat'," a Republican
operative says. 

Within hours of Black Tuesday, Bush had redeployed large numbers of
ships, planes and armed forces toward the Persian Gulf.  And in his
riveting speech to Congress, he exuded the aura -- if not the specific
promise -- of a fiery military response.  In fact, the Bush team had
concluded by then that traditional firepower might play an even smaller
role than expected -- and that, in the meantime, they should use the
buildup to add urgency to diplomatic, financial and psy-war measures
aimed at bin Laden and the Taliban.  Defense Secretary Don Rumsfeld,
hiding in plain sight, spelled out the strategy in a series of rambling
but revealing briefings. 

Why home in on nonmilitary measures? There are a number of reasons: a
hard look at the elevation maps and bloody history of Afghanistan.  A
growing feel for the frailty of the Taliban's political grip on the
country.  The success of the administration's careful efforts to isolate
the bad guys diplomatically -- which could succeed only if the United
States promised to lower its military sights.  The realization that
support and "intel" could be purchased -- cheaply -- from the poor,
warring Afghan tribes that have done brisk business with passing
infidels for centuries. 

Key congressional leaders last week were secretly told, as required by
law, that Special Forces reconnaissance teams -- British at first,
followed by Americans -- had slipped into a Taliban-controlled portion
of Afghanistan, Newsweek learned.  The Brits were activated initially,
sources told Newsweek, because of their long experience there -- and so
that the United States could keep its distance while a Pakistani
delegation made one last diplomatic effort to win a peaceful handover of
bin Laden.  (Taliban leaders defiantly rejected it.) "There is a certain
level of bloodlust," Bush admitted to King Abdullah II of Jordan, "but
we won't let it drive our reaction." Even so, to satisfy the desire for
"explosions," Newsweek has learned, the president was considering
airstrikes on Afghanistan's opium warehouses. 

But Bush's first strike, in fact, was with a pen, not a missile, signing
an order freezing the assets of suspected terrorists.  He found new
virtue in the United Nations, where the United States won a unanimous
resolution making willful support of terrorism a state-sponsored crime. 
The president harvested important backing from the United Arab Emirates,
which cut ties with the Taliban; the Saudis, who publicly agreed to
allow use of their military bases, and the king of Jordan.  Rumsfeld and
Secretary of State Colin Powell privately briefed members of Congress on
the evolving strategy, including the possible use of humanitarian aid to
peel away support from the Taliban, and leave bin Laden exposed. 
Indeed, Newsweek has learned, the first use of Air Force planes may well
be to drop food, not bombs, on the beleaguered people of Afghanistan. 
They should appreciate the help.  The alternative, everyone has to hope,
will prove unnecessary.  With John Barry, Martha Brant, Roy Gutman and
T.  Trent Gegax ;

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