Return-Path: <sentto-279987-3040-1003326414-fc=all.net@returns.onelist.com> Delivered-To: fc@all.net Received: from 204.181.12.215 by localhost with POP3 (fetchmail-5.1.0) for fc@localhost (single-drop); Wed, 17 Oct 2001 06:48:07 -0700 (PDT) Received: (qmail 22194 invoked by uid 510); 17 Oct 2001 13:46:35 -0000 Received: from n7.groups.yahoo.com (216.115.96.57) by 204.181.12.215 with SMTP; 17 Oct 2001 13:46:35 -0000 X-eGroups-Return: sentto-279987-3040-1003326414-fc=all.net@returns.onelist.com Received: from [10.1.1.224] by n7.groups.yahoo.com with NNFMP; 17 Oct 2001 13:46:54 -0000 X-Sender: fc@big.all.net X-Apparently-To: iwar@onelist.com Received: (EGP: mail-8_0_0_1); 17 Oct 2001 13:46:54 -0000 Received: (qmail 24686 invoked from network); 17 Oct 2001 13:46:54 -0000 Received: from unknown (10.1.10.27) by 10.1.1.224 with QMQP; 17 Oct 2001 13:46:54 -0000 Received: from unknown (HELO big.all.net) (65.0.156.78) by mta2 with SMTP; 17 Oct 2001 13:46:53 -0000 Received: (from fc@localhost) by big.all.net (8.9.3/8.7.3) id GAA31519 for iwar@onelist.com; Wed, 17 Oct 2001 06:46:53 -0700 Message-Id: <200110171346.GAA31519@big.all.net> To: iwar@onelist.com (Information Warfare Mailing List) Organization: I'm not allowed to say X-Mailer: don't even ask X-Mailer: ELM [version 2.5 PL1] From: Fred Cohen <fc@all.net> X-Yahoo-Profile: fcallnet Mailing-List: list iwar@yahoogroups.com; contact iwar-owner@yahoogroups.com Delivered-To: mailing list iwar@yahoogroups.com Precedence: bulk List-Unsubscribe: <mailto:iwar-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com> Date: Wed, 17 Oct 2001 06:46:53 -0700 (PDT) Reply-To: iwar@yahoogroups.com Subject: [iwar] [fc:Crisis.Exposes.Military,.Civilian.Divide] Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit USA Today October 17, 2001 Crisis Exposes Military, Civilian Divide By Philip Meyer Here is a sharp and troubling contrast: The preparation of the U.S. military to fight a sustained war against terrorism is encouraging. The preparation of our media to keep Americans informed about the conflict is not. This problem was painfully obvious in the Persian Gulf War, and afterward, thoughtful plans were proposed to correct it. But nothing was done. The gap goes far beyond a simple reporter-source conflict to a rift between military and civilian society. It has two components. One is simple competence. Because the draft ended in 1973, very few journalists today have served in the military. The old adage that a good reporter is good anywhere doesn't apply in the complexities of the modern world. It's hard to make sense of an operation if you think a Navy captain and an Army captain have the same rank. When the balloon goes up (military jargon for a war starting), publishers and broadcasters face a painful choice. According to Professor Cori Dauber of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, who served on the Defense Department's advisory council on women in the armed services, the Pentagon beat reporters generally have the necessary expertise. But if they are sent to cover far-away action, their organizations don't have enough depth to replace them with people having equal understanding and access to Washington sources. After the Gulf War, representatives from several news organizations met with high-ranking officers in the Department of Defense and negotiated some ways to avoid a variety of problems in the future. One agreement was especially straightforward: "News organizations will make their best efforts to assign experienced journalists to combat operations and to make them familiar with U.S. military operations." That means special training. But the ad hoc chairman of that journalists' group, Clark Hoyt of Knight Ridder, acknowledges today that nothing centrally organized or sustained has happened to meet that goal. The other gap is social and political, and it can make journalists, whose business is discovering conflict, much more sympathetic to knee-jerk pacifists than their numbers justify. This social-political gap is not confined to journalists. A larger pattern of distance between military elites and their civilian counterparts has been documented by social scientists, including Professor Ole Holsti of Duke University, in a series of surveys over a period of years. The top brass is more socially conservative, more Republican and more likely to believe that a decline in traditional moral values threatens the breakdown of our society. There was no such divide in World War II because nearly everyone served. One of the unplanned consequences of the military draft was a great leveling effect, where social-class distinctions were set aside. After the war, Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower wanted to preserve that benefit and maintain national security with a system of universal military training in which every qualified man between the ages of 18 and 20 would give 1 year to his country in peacetime. In a message to Congress in October 1945, Truman provided a prescient justification for his proposal. "I pointed out," he recalled in his memoirs, "that the latent strength of our untrained citizenry was no longer sufficient protection, and that if the attack should come again, as it did at Pearl Harbor, we could never again count on the luxury of time to arm ourselves and strike back. "Our geographic security was gone - gone with the advent of the atomic bomb, the rocket and modern airborne armies." Congress, intent on demobilization, was not interested, and the proposal died. But if, as now seems possible, attacks on our homeland are to become a permanent part of life, Truman's idea makes more sense than ever. He conceived it as including more than military training. Today, we would include women and add such specialties as emergency medical service, firefighting, communication and civil defense to the training. Such a system would close more than the gap between journalists and the military. Today, there are few veterans of military service in Congress. In the 1970s, veterans were a large majority in Congress, and their proportion was greater than their presence in the population. Now, according to Pennsylvania State Professor William T. Bianco and Air Force Lt. Jamie Markham, they are a minority, and the proportion of male members of Congress who are veterans is less than in the population as a whole. Their explanation, in Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security, a collection of essays published this year that also includes Holsti's work, is that loopholes in the Vietnam draft, followed by the all-volunteer military, created a social-class difference between servicemen and civilians. Veterans now come from a class that's less likely to make it to Congress. A system of universal training - military, civil-defense or related skills that could be called into use on short notice to combat terrorism - would reduce both of those gaps and make the USA more democratic and, at the same time, a safer place to live. The Swiss discovered the benefits of universal service centuries ago, and the Israelis copied them with notable success. If the terrorist threat continues, it should be our turn to try universal service. Philip Meyer, who holds the Knight Chair in Journalism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, served for 13 years in the Naval reserve, including a 1952-1954 tour of active duty. He is a member of USA TODAY's board of contributors. ------------------ http://all.net/ Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
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