[iwar] [fc:Uncle.Sam.And.Aunt.Samantha]

From: Fred Cohen (fc@all.net)
Date: 2001-10-31 05:29:35


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Date: Wed, 31 Oct 2001 05:29:35 -0800 (PST)
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Subject: [iwar] [fc:Uncle.Sam.And.Aunt.Samantha]
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Newsweek
November 5, 2001
Uncle Sam And Aunt Samantha
It's simple fairness: women as well as men should be required to register
for the draft
By Anna Quindlen
One out of every five new recruits in the United States military is female.
The Marines gave the Combat Action Ribbon for service in the Persian Gulf to
23 women. Two female soldiers were killed in the bombing of the USS Cole.
The Selective Service registers for the draft all male citizens between the
ages of 18 and 25. What's wrong with this picture?
As Americans read and realize that the lives of most women in this country
are as different from those of Afghan women as a Cunard cruise is from
maximum-security lockdown, there has nonetheless been little attention paid
to one persistent gender inequity in U.S. public policy. An astonishing
anachronism, really: while women are represented today in virtually all
fields, including the armed forces, only men are required to register for
the military draft that would be used in the event of a national-security
crisis.
Since the nation is as close to such a crisis as it has been in more than 60
years, it's a good moment to consider how the draft wound up in this
particular time warp. It's not the time warp of the Taliban, certainly,
stuck in the worst part of the 13th century, forbidding women to attend
school or hold jobs or even reveal their arms, forcing them into sex and
marriage. Our own time warp is several decades old. The last time the draft
was considered seriously was 20 years ago, when registration with the
Selective Service was restored by Jimmy Carter after the Soviet invasion of,
yep, Afghanistan. The president, as well as the Army chief of staff, asked
at the time for the registration of women as well as men.
Amid a welter of arguments-women interfere with esprit de corps, women don't
have the physical strength, women prisoners could be sexually assaulted,
women soldiers would distract male soldiers from their mission-Congress shot
down the notion of gender-blind registration. So did the Supreme Court,
ruling that since women were forbidden to serve in combat positions and the
purpose of the draft was to create a combat-ready force, it made sense not
to register them.
But that was then, and this is now. Women have indeed served in combat
positions, in the Balkans and the Middle East. More than 40,000 managed to
serve in the Persian Gulf without destroying unit cohesion or failing
because of upper-body strength. Some are even now taking out targets in
Afghanistan from fighter jets, and apparently without any male soldier's
falling prey to some predicted excess of chivalry or lust.
Talk about cognitive dissonance. All these military personnel, male and
female alike, have come of age at a time when a significant level of parity
was taken for granted. Yet they are supposed to accept that only males will
be required to defend their country in a time of national emergency. This is
insulting to men. And it is insulting to women. Caroline Forell, an expert
on women's legal rights and a professor at the University of Oregon School
of Law, puts it bluntly: "Failing to require this of women makes us lesser
citizens."
Neither the left nor the right has been particularly inclined to consider
this issue judiciously. Many feminists came from the antiwar movement and
have let their distaste for the military in general and the draft in
particular mute their response. In 1980 NOW released a resolution that
buried support for the registration of women beneath opposition to the
draft, despite the fact that the draft had been redesigned to eliminate the
vexing inequities of Vietnam, when the sons of the working class served and
the sons of the Ivy League did not. Conservatives, meanwhile, used an
equal-opportunity draft as the linchpin of opposition to the Equal Rights
Amendment, along with the terrifying specter of unisex bathrooms. (I have
seen the urinal, and it is benign.) The legislative director of the
right-wing group Concerned Women for America once defended the existing
regulations by saying that most women "don't want to be included in the
draft." All those young men who went to Canada during Vietnam and those who
today register with fear and trembling in the face of the Trade Center
devastation might be amazed to discover that lack of desire is an
affirmative defense. 
Parents face a series of unique new challenges in this more egalitarian
world, not the least of which would be sending a daughter off to war. But
parents all over this country are doing that right now, with daughters who
enlisted; some have even expressed surprise that young women, in this day
and age, are not required to register alongside their brothers and friends.
While all involved in this debate over the years have invoked the assumed
opposition of the people, even 10 years ago more than half of all Americans
polled believed women should be made eligible for the draft. Besides, this
is not about comfort but about fairness. My son has to register with the
Selective Service this year, and if his sister does not when she turns 18,
it makes a mockery not only of the standards of this household but of the
standards of this nation.
It is possible in Afghanistan for women to be treated like little more than
fecund pack animals precisely because gender fear and ignorance and hatred
have been codified and permitted to hold sway. In this country, largely
because of the concerted efforts of those allied with the women's movement
over a century of struggle, much of that bigotry has been beaten back, even
buried. Yet in improbable places the creaky old ways surface, the ways
suggesting that we women were made of finer stuff. The finer stuff was
usually porcelain, decorative and on the shelf, suitable for meals and show.
Happily, the finer stuff has been transmuted into the right stuff. But with
rights come responsibilities, as teachers like to tell their students. This
is a responsibility that should fall equally upon all, male and female
alike. If the empirical evidence is considered rationally, if the decision
is divested of outmoded stereotypes, that's the only possible conclusion to
be reached.

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