[iwar] Interesting article on netwar

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Date: 2001-08-30 12:16:45


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Subject: [iwar] Interesting article on netwar
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<a href="http://vmyths.com/rant.cfm?id=343&page=4">http://vmyths.com/rant.cfm?id=343&page=4>

by Lewis Z. Koch
07/04/01

THE WORLD IS currently engulfed by a new McCarthyist frenzy; a
technological witchhunt which labels, condemns and punishes Internet
activists in one fell swoop, and one which threatens the precious
freedoms of every single human being on this planet.

In the bad, old days of the &quot;Red Menace,&quot; the straw man specter of
imminent Communist insurgency was used as justification for a horrific
array of abuses: obsessive file gathering, wiretapping, burglary --
even murder. Similarly, the news is these days rife with reports of
vicious viruses, horrific national security breeches and billions of
dollars lost to sinister hackers.

This cybersteria is an elaborate ruse for an utterly barbarous gutting
of the Fourth Amendment. A war on personal liberties is being waged by
an unholy trinity of governments, multi-national corporations, and an
ever-pliant, &quot;watchdog&quot; media whose sensationalist scare tactics
merely grease the slope on our tumble towards totalitarianism.

Consider a recent 60 Minutes broadcast. CBS correspondent Wyatt Andrew
described the Earth Liberation Front (ELF) as &quot;the most radical
eco-terrorist group in America.&quot; Terrorist!? True, the ELF vigorously
protests the destruction of Old Growth forests, and have even burned a
few uninhabited, half-built million-dollar homes in Vail, Colorado to
protest the environmental degradation wrought by the region's
unchecked growth. So is the ELF radical? Sure. Extreme? Absolutely.


But are they really terrorists?

Hamas blows up buses in Israel. Aum Shinrikyo murdered 12 and injured
thousands by releasing Sarin gas in the Tokyo subways. Timothy McVeigh
left 168 dead in Oklahoma City. These are terrorists. Is the ELF in
the same class? Put bluntly, no. Shouldn't a group at least have to
kill somebody before being labeled a terrorist organization? But the
ELF are the only ones being branded.

The battle against crime on the Internet is being waged with a
broadsword rather than a scalpel. These days, everyone from teens who
&quot;wall scrawl&quot; their high school website, to college kids who download
free music, to organizations protesting the policies of the WTO are
being persecuted and prosecuted as criminals.

If, for example, Greenfield High School in Milwaukee, Wisconsin can
expel senior Justin Boucher merely for writing an essay entitled &quot;So
You Want to be a Hacker&quot; for an underground student newspaper (which
they can and did), it begs some serious questions. Just what is free
speech? Who is more dangerous, the kid who writes the essay or the
people who kick him out of school for writing it? And who is next on
the list of &quot;subversives&quot;?

Clearly, we are in desperate need of a calm, composed, decidedly un-60
Minutes-like examination of the world of the Internet protest. We need
to see what's going down and just who is threatening whom.


It's all about the 'net 'hood

A CITY IS not an organism, but an ecosystem; a extremely complex and
interdependent web of restaurants, homes, taverns, coffee shops, local
legends and tall tales. In short, it is a collection of neighborhoods.
Ultimately, it is these neighborhoods on which we tend to base our
sense of community and therefore it is ultimately the neighborhood
which functions as the fundamental currency of social discourse.

By the same token, the Internet must be understood not as a singular
entity, but rather as an aggregate of digital neighborhoods; an almost
infinite conglomeration of computerized communities constructed not of
concrete, glass, and steel, but of ideas about how and why we live.

In the past, community activists were hindered by the physical,
geographical, and economic limitations which curtailed the ability of
one small group or single neighborhood to have sway over a city, to
say nothing of a state, national, or global impact. After all, it
takes thousands or even hundreds of thousands of people for marches
and boycotts to have any tangible effect. Getting, say, a half-million
people together through snail mail and telephone can be a pretty
difficult task.

The Internet changes all that, providing a means for sharing
information and resources globally -- and virtually instantaneously.

Now, through the wonder of the World Wide Web, a small group or even a
single cyber-savvy individual can build a community comprised of
people from all over the planet. This provides extraordinary
opportunities for every citizen on earth to participate in decision
making processes previously reserved for the power elite alone.

The potential of net-based communities as conduits for igniting even
radical social change was foreseen by many thinkers, but among the
earliest was self-proclaimed radical Saul Alinsky. Hiss &quot;Reveille for
Radicals&quot; was published around the time UNIVAC was designed, and
Alinsky's &quot;Rules for Radicals&quot; came out in 1971, roughly concurrent
with the writing of the first e-mail program.

However, only in the last decade or so has the technology necessary to
implement Alinsky's ideas reached the hands of those willing to wield
it in the revolutionary way he envisioned. These new radicals don't
&quot;take it to the streets&quot; in protest. They don't need to. The pen may
be mightier than the sword, but these people know the CPU is more
powerful than both. Today, small groups -- and even highly motivated
individuals -- can wreak international havoc with just a few strokes
of a keyboard.

Generally, though, the motivations of and methods employed by
cyber-activists are not malicious, and they certainly do not conform
to the mostly malevolent portraits painted by hysterical media,
manipulative governments, and greedy corporate behemoths. Most
cyber-activists are simply using one of Alinsky's basic precepts in
order to instigate awareness and initiate change: Namely, that the
best way to incite social transformation is to rub raw the wounds of
discontent through community-based activism.

How? Read on.


Alinsky's cyber-children

THE MILLION MOM March, using a Website and e-mail, mobilized several
hundred thousand demonstrators on Mothers Day 2000 to promote more
effective gun control. For years, The Rainforest Action Network has
been pressuring businesses with threats of boycotts in an effort to
stop destruction of environmental treasures. In 1997 the International
Campaign to Ban Land Mines -- a coalition of more than 1,400 activist
groups -- won the Nobel Peace Prize for compelling over one hundred
nations into signing a comprehensive anti-personnel mine treaty.

How do all these groups communicate? With e-mail of course, and an
ongoing Web presence for all to see.

These organizations are wonderful examples of &quot;Alinskyism&quot; in action;
digital democracy at its finest -- which is why these groups (and many
more like them) are such a monumental pain to folks wanting to
preserve the status quo. For instance, computer activism of this sort
is extremely threatening to, say, corporate polluters. It is also a
safe bet that regimes in places like in Singapore, China, and Iran
aren't in love with these groups. However, as we will soon see,
Internet-based activism doesn't stop with websites and e-mail. It gets
much bigger and badder than that.

Organizations like the ones listed above are only the tip of the
proverbial iceberg. Soon we will meet someone who moved beyond
advocacy and activism into what some have called the undemocratic
realm of &quot;hacktivism.&quot; Exploring the methods and motivations of this
decidedly more energetic form of cyberprotest -- which include tactics
like e-mail bombing and Denial of Service attacks -- we will meet a
man who believes letter-writing, boycott threats, and public shaming
aren't enough. Paul Mobbs, of the radical group &quot;electrohippies,&quot; is a
revolutionary of the digital age.

Mobbs is unabashed, unapologetic, and well-armed. He is also very,
very pissed. Stay tuned.


-=-


<a href="http://vmyths.com/rant.cfm?id=349&page=4">http://vmyths.com/rant.cfm?id=349&page=4>

Netwar! (part 2) 
by Lewis Z. Koch
07/25/01

INTERNET PROTESTORS ARE typically portrayed as malevolent figures,
viral threats who endanger the peaceful, economically viable
communications by which business and government, using computers and
the Internet, go about conducting their affairs. These protestors are
grouped together under the catch-all label of hackers. In reality,
Internet protest defies easy categorization or stereotyping, ranging
from activism to &quot;hacktivism&quot; to &quot;netwarriors.&quot;

The term &quot;netwar&quot; was originated by Rand Corporation analyst David
Ronfeldt and John Arquilla of the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School. In
their slim book, &quot;The Zapatista Social Netwar in Mexico,&quot; Ronfeldt and
Arquilla (along with Graham E. Fuller and Melissa Fuller) identified
three distinct forces on the Internet battlefield.

The first force they see as &quot;legitimately terrorist&quot; in nature.
Terrorist netwar might, for example, involve the disruption of
communications and power grids -- cyberwar on a massive scale, fought
with bytes, not bombs. The second force is &quot;criminal&quot; netwar -- drug
trafficking, child pornography, and money laundering.

But Ronfeldt, Arquilla and the Fullers recognize a third netwar force
-- one beyond terrorism and criminality -- a &quot;social netwar&quot; involving
issues such as human rights, environmental problems, and economic
equity. Social netwarriors use traditional grassroots organizing
techniques, and Ronfeldt &amp; Co. believe they deserve serious
consideration, as their causes -- for the points they make, no matter
what cybermeans they choose to bring those causes to public attention,
may indeed have some validity.

In the 50s, 60s, and 70s, grassroots organizations were organized
primarily along geographic boundaries: within a neighborhood or city,
or within various ethnic or religious communities that could easily
communicate with each other. Issues of common concern, interests, and
needs were identified. &quot;People power&quot; was marshaled to seek redress,
be it the closing of a factory, racial oppression, or union building.

Today, with the Internet, people with similar concerns and interests
can form virtual communities (Howard Rheingold's term) located not in
one, but in a thousand different geographic areas.

Social netwarriors may wage social netwar against governments who
silence dissent. Or they may wage it against businesses who pollute
the environment or who create genetically modified foods and plants
without the input or approval of the citizenry. As such, social
netwarriors represent an important counterbalance to the excesses of
the powerful.


Hacktivists

WITH ITS SYMBOLIC steer's skull logo, the cult of the Dead cow (cDc)
is perhaps (they will hate this) the grandfather of hacktivism. cDc
members have names federal agencies take seriously, such as Swamp
Ratte, The Deth Vegetable, and OXblood Ruffin, the group's foreign
minister. As I saw last summer at the hackers convention called DEF
CON in Las Vegas, the current 25-member cDc can capture and hold the
attention &amp; admiration of 4,000 young wannabee hackers for hours,
excoriating script kiddy website defacements and leveling biting
criticisms at various juvenile electronic exploits.

One hacktivist aspect of the cDc's activities was their development of
&quot;Back Orifice&quot; -- a program which, thanks to built-in flaws in
Microsoft Windows 95 &amp; 98, permitted one computer to control another
PC remotely, and to use it for any purpose: breaking into another
computer, changing or deleting files, and so forth. While there was
outrage at publishing such an exploit, and great condemnation of the
cDc for releasing it, there was also wonderment on the part of many
that Microsoft could design and sell such a flawed product.

That's what the cDc wanted -- outrage against Microsoft. But it
apparently fell on deaf ears, despite the efforts of the federal
anti-trust division and the cDc, that Microsoft is doing very well,
thank you.

So the question for a group of hacktivists like the cDc then becomes
-- what do you do when outrage isn't enough?

Hacktivists become social netwarriors when they mine their own
internal truths and are willing to take protest beyond a civilized
engagement with the status quo. Often, hacktivist groups engage in
wider protests that can and do cross the bounds of legality,
especially as they govern conduct on the Internet. The enemy is the
status quo, the power elite, as represented, for example, by the
protests against the World Trade Organization in Seattle, or the
Catholic Church-supported Zapatista uprising in Chiapas against a
repressive government.

In an interview last summer, an unsmiling OXblood Ruffin told me that
he and the cDc take Article 19 of the United Nations Universal
Declaration on Human Rights very, very seriously. Article 19 reads in
its entirety:

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and statement; this right
includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek,
receive and impart information and ideas through any media and
regardless of frontiers.

To that end, OXblood Ruffin and others are developing extraordinarily
complicated software that permits citizens of a totalitarian state --
the Peoples Republic of China, for example -- to send and receive text
information while sidestepping or making an end run around censors, as
OXblood put it. This would be done, he said, by muddying the
footprint, anonymizing visits to Web sites so that no one will know
where on the 'Net you've gone or what you've seen. A classic
progression from hacktivism to social netwar if ever there was one.

While the cDc is careful to disassociate itself from those whose
Internet activities break the law, there are tens, hundreds, perhaps
thousands of social netwarriors who seek to draw attention to
violations of human, environmental, and economic rights by whatever
means necessary. Many would hold that social netwarriors are nothing
more than malevolent viruses. Others believe they are a penicillin for
world-wide social, political, and economic ills.

You make the call.

To be continued in Part 3...


-=-


<a href="http://vmyths.com/rant.cfm?id=375&page=4">http://vmyths.com/rant.cfm?id=375&page=4>

Netwar! (part 3) 
by Lewis Z. Koch
08/22/01

COMING TO A website near you!!!

WHEN NETWARRIORS STRIKE!
AN ELECTROHIPPIES PRODUCTION

SEE CYBER SIT-INS!
KNOW THE HORROR OF DENIAL OF SERVICE!
TREMBLE IN FEAR AS E-COMMERCE CRUMBLES!

BE AFRAID. BE VERY AFRAID.

&quot;My dad drove a lorry and my mum was a cleaner,&quot; said Paul Mobbs,
spokesperson and generally acknowledged leader of a small, but
influential group of Internet mavens who refer to themselves as
Electrohippies. Others, however, call them agitators, firebrands,
terrorists, and criminals -- and those are just the names we can print
here.

Mobbs still lives in his hometown of Banbury -- a town halfway between
London and Birmingham, perhaps most famous for the Mother Goose rhyme
which begins, &quot;Ride a cock horse to Banbury Cross...&quot; This once
bucolic village has been marred by a gentrification-driven, post World
War II population explosion of some 30,000 souls.

&quot;We kept chickens and grew vegetables,&quot; says Mobbs of his childhood.
&quot;We never ate in a service station, but instead cooked our own food on
the roadside. We collected mushrooms to eat in the fields, as well as
berries in the bushes to eat and make wine. We caught the odd rabbit.&quot;

Mobbs and I lunched in London while a typically British winter mix of
snow and rain drizzled from a heavy, gray sky. Mobbs is a burly man,
and dressed in his classic, wool cable-knit sweater and walking
shorts, he looks more like an Olympic hammer-toss medallist than a
much-feared Net terrorist. As we ate, he talked of his wife and two
children, 3 and 2, and his life as a self-described poor kid who
devoured books -- most of which were garnered, from a &quot; 'jumble sale'
-- either school textbooks people didn't return or books from
clearance houses -- mostly classics. &quot;I ended up reading books with no
pictures; geography, history politics, and philosophy.&quot;


All Roads Begin With Alinsky

At age thirteen, Mobbs stumbled across Saul Alinsky's rebel classics
Reveille for Radicals and Rules for Radicals. In Mobbs' words, Alinsky
helped him &quot;focus on positive and tangible benefits.&quot; Alinsky, as
Mobbs understood him (and correctly, I might add, as I personally
studied with Alinsky for several months in the early 1970s) had no use
for any action which is merely radical for radicalism's sake and fails
to concretely affect any real social change. As Mobbs himself puts it,
&quot;action that simply feeds the need to feel concern without committing
to consequential change is mental masturbation&quot; -- a short term
exercise for personal gratification.

It was a natural first step then, for young Mobbs to become active in
the lengthy and bitter British miners strike of 1984-85. From there it
was an easy segue to an ongoing and deeply felt environmental
activism. &quot;I've cost polluting industries large sums of money, mostly
as a result of the expenditure they've had to undertake to rectify the
damage I've helped identify,&quot; Mobbs says. &quot;In the year 2000, I ended
up with two injunctions against me because of my web-based support for
two groups campaigning against genetic engineering in agriculture.&quot;


Without Borders

RADICAL ACTION ON the Internet generally falls into two categories:
(1) there are true terrorists &amp; criminals (e.g. Osama Bin Laden, money
launderers, child pornographers), and (2) there are what is called the
netwarriors. They are the technologically empowered individuals and
groups engaging in net-based activities which are specifically
coordinated to bring about social change in the areas of human rights,
the environment, and economic equity.

In the past, concerned individuals and radicals like Alinsky were
hindered by the physical, geographical and economic limitations which
inherently curtailed the ability of, for example, one small group or
single neighborhood to effect global change. It takes, after all,
thousands or even hundreds of thousands of people for protests such as
marches and boycotts to have a tangible effect. The Internet changed
all that, providing a means for sharing information and resources
globally thus creating the kinds of organizations Alinsky sought but
was unable to realize in his lifetime.

Now, through the wonder of the World Wide Web, one small group or even
a single cyber-savvy individual can bring a multinational corporation
to its knees. (See Mafiaboy, as just the tip of the potential iceberg
with clueless politicians and cybercops at the helm of the
Titanic-Internet.)

The nature of the Net, Mobbs says, means the smallest minorities are
no longer limited by their geographical distribution. The Net can
unite disparate groups who would not ordinarily communicate and even
if they did, they often wouldn't have the financial resources to
sustain that communication and work together. The Net also bypasses
the use of intimidation or official obfuscation. People can network,
pressing for change with point-to-point lobbying across many fronts.

Unlike many netwarriors, however, Mobbs does not see the Internet as a
quantum leap into a new social structure, but rather as a microcosm of
the existing one. &quot;The Internet is within society,&quot; he says. &quot;As a
conceptual entity, it must be a filtered reflection of the power
structures, problems, and progressive trends that exist within society
as a whole.&quot;

Mobbs warms to this. &quot;I know some hackers think this statement is
rather heretical. But anyone who believes the Internet is something
separate and sacrosanct from mainstream society, has, in my opinion,
got some serious work to do on their social skills. The Internet has,
and always will be, subject to the flaws and fluctuations of the real
world. Net purists and corporate Net-heads should not then disparage
those who wish to use the Internet as a means to bring progressive
change to society.&quot;


You Ain't Seen Nothing Yet

ALINSKY USED AND, some thought, abused the picket line. Mobbs faces
the same accusation when he and others like him throw up electronic
picket lines known as Denial of Service attacks.

When first exploring what the hardware and software would allow them
to do, the Electrohippies came up with a computer program called
Floodnet -- a tool allowing individuals to flood a website with
demands to see it.

Imagine a neighborhood coffee shop which averages 500 customers a day.
Now imagine if 5,000,000 customers all decide they want their
double-latte at exactly the same time. That's basically how Floodnet
works. It is a simple equation, really: too much demand equals a
website crash. A website crash equals the digital equivalent of an
uncrossable picket line, and that makes for some very, very unhappy
bigwigs indeed.

(Surprisingly, some thought to be among the most &quot;radical&quot; of
&quot;hackers&quot; despise the Floodnet tool. In another age and in another
context, this is exactly how the United Auto Workers and the Teamsters
got living wages for their workers. The only difference being that
some UAW and Teamsters had to die on the picket lines or the sit-ins
before progress could be made.)

When they first conceived their campaign to crash the World Trade
Organizations web site, the Electrohippies expected around
40,000-50,000 requests for Floodnet. Instead, they received a
half-million requests in just over four days. The program has since
been provided free of charge for use against other targets -- and more
tools are on the way. Many a large corporate behemoth and governmental
leviathans, it seems, may well be unpleasantly surprised in the months
and years to come by the innovation and persistence of Mobbs and
people like him.

For their part, large organizations essentially have two options for
dealing with Electrohippie-type insurgency. Option One -- they can
fight an unwinnable war, a techno-Vietnam; enacting totalitarian
legislation and arresting protesters, thus seriously compromising
freedom of expression and the right to redress grievances which we all
hold dear. The Council of Europe's CyberCrime Treaty is a perfect
example. We have the situation of Bulgaria and Germany, for example,
defining what speech should be or not be permitted!

Option Two is more complicated, but -- thankfully -- ultimately far
more constructive. Namely, we can all begin to seriously address the
question of Whose Web is it Anyway? We can find a place for dissent,
even accommodate dissent, and in so doing create corporations and
government entities far more responsive to the people they are
supposed to be serving in the first place. Perhaps we might start by
revising an old Mother Goose rhyme:

Ride a cock horse 
To Banbury Cross 
And you'll find an Electrohippie
Who thinks people should be boss

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