[iwar] [fc:War.was.declared.on.us]

From: Fred Cohen (fc@all.net)
Date: 2001-10-05 19:46:16


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From: Fred Cohen <fc@all.net>
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Date: Fri, 5 Oct 2001 19:46:16 -0700 (PDT)
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Subject: [iwar] [fc:War.was.declared.on.us]
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Charles Krauthammer

October 5, 2001
War was declared on us
WASHINGTON--There is a serious debate about war aims raging in
Washington. And then there is the caricature debate in which, on the
one hand, you have the reasoned, moderate, restrained doves who want
very limited war aims. And on the other hand, you have the
unreconstructed hawks--those daring to suggest that the war on
terrorism does not stop with Afghanistan--aching for blood and
continents to conquer.
Let's begin at the beginning. No one, hawk or dove, sought this war.
This war was declared on us. The only question is how to prosecute it.

The question is whether after Pearl Harbor our strategic objective
should have been (a) destroying the Japanese First Air Fleet that did
the deed, or (b) destroying the regime in Tokyo to put Japanese
imperialism permanently out of business.
The previous generation had no difficulty making that choice. Nor did
the president of this generation in his national address on Sept. 20.
``Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists and every government
that supports them,'' he said. ``And we will pursue nations that
provide aid or safe haven to terrorism.''
Government. Nations. Not just going cave-to-cave in Afghanistan
looking for Osama.
Of course everyone would prefer narrow war aims. They carry less
immediate risk and better prospects for success. But that ``success''
is illusory. It would leave us mortally at risk.
Start with the narrowest objective: finding those responsible for
September 11 and ``bringing them to justice.'' Imagine if Osama were
delivered to us alive. His trial would become a media circus that
would make Camp OJ look like local TV coverage of a bingo fraud. It
would become the greatest platform for the dissemination of a
murderous ideology since Hitler's beer hall putsch trial in 1924.
The trial would be surreal, probably presided over by more Scottish
judges in full wig at The Hague, like those who found one Libyan
sub-peon responsible for Pan Am 103. Osama, of course, would not get
the death penalty. Which would mean that every week there would be a
school bus hijacked and children's throats slit to win his release. He
would be out in weeks.
Nor would killing Osama solve the problem. Kill him and another will
arise. In fact, we already know who the successor is: Osama's second
in command, Ayman Zawahiri.
Moreover, even if the al Qaeda network is taken down, other networks
will form--as long as there are states in the region ready to nurture,
protect, and use terrorists in their war against America and the West.

Which is why the war on terrorism cannot be just about individuals. It
must be about governments. Why, even the State Department, after
wobbling, has come around to the idea that getting Osama is not
enough. The Taliban regime must fall too.
What happens then? Do we stop there?
We cannot. We have entered a new era with a new threat. They're called
weapons of mass destruction, but that is a euphemism. These are
weapons of genocide. What is at stake is not a repetition of the World
Trade Center, but a massacre unseen in human history, possibly
millions of Americans dead from biological or chemical warfare.
You do not make weaponized anthrax in Afghan caves. For that you need
serious scientists and serious laboratories, like the ones in Baghdad.
Richard Butler, the former chief arms inspector in Iraq, tells us that
Iraq has weaponized anthrax and VX gas. Syria has chemical weapons.
Iran is developing nukes. They all sponsor terrorists.
The threat is unique, but so is the moment. The provocation is clear.
The American people are committed. The entire West and even India and
Russia are behind us. Now is the time to go after state-sponsored
terrorism.
This does not mean invading every country. It means getting some
regimes to change policies and others to fall--whether by economic and
diplomatic pressure, internal revolt or, as a last resort, military
action.
At a time like this, the imprudent ones are those who simply want to
lop off one tentacle of the terrorist threat, the one that perpetrated
September 11. Doing that will give us satisfaction, a sense of
accomplishment, and an entirely false sense of security.
The next attack, catastrophic beyond our imagination, is waiting to
happen. If we do not have the will to go after that threat now, these
sophisticated weapons will fall into the hands of al Qaeda's comrades
and successors. We will be living the 13 days of the Cuban missile
crisis--our last encounter with the real possibility of genocidal
attack on America--for the rest of our lives.
©2001 Washington Post Writers Group

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