[iwar] [fc:Why.we.are.right.to.fight]

From: Fred Cohen (fc@all.net)
Date: 2001-10-22 07:20:17


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Date: Mon, 22 Oct 2001 07:20:17 -0700 (PDT)
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Subject: [iwar] [fc:Why.we.are.right.to.fight]
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Why we are right to fight 

Terrorism, not Islam, is the target in this just war. We must change but not be 
defeatist, says Henry Porter.


Sunday October 14, 2001
The Observer 

Osama bin Laden shows his face on TV in a pre-recorded message of doom
and what do we see? The victorious instigator of a clash of
civilisations? The master strategist who has set things up so that dead,
alive or captured he still wins by rallying to his standard the warriors
of Islam?

There is a view, most cogently expressed by Jonathan Freedland of the
Guardian, that Osama had more than likely already beaten the West in the
propaganda war.  Without wishing to be rude to Mr Freedland, who
reiterated the opinion on Newsnight, this argument has all the depth and
durability of a two-week suntan and reveals precisely the weakness of
resolve which bin Laden imagines to be the prevailing character of the
West. 

What we actually saw on TV was a mass murderer calling for more
slaughter.  To regard this as a propaganda coup is to misunderstand the
sociopathic threat that confronts us.  Bin Laden is not an ideologue,
not even a visionary, but an adventurer with an egotism that is unholy
in any religion you care to name.  Watching the al-Jazeera broadcast, we
were all surely alert to the subliminal messages in the deceptive
modesty of his glances, and to his neurotic effeminacy and self-love. 

It brought to mind the sexual ambivalence of T.E.  Lawrence, who
suggested in The Seven Pillars of Wisdom that truly dangerous men allow
themselves to dream during daylight and then 'act their dreams with
their eyes open'.  Lawrence understood the vanity of daring and he would
have recognised this freakish character broadcasting from a sun-scorched
redoubt in Afghanistan, dressed, for heaven's sake, in jungle
camouflage. 

We should take this man for what he is: anti-matter which pretends to
rational aims, but which is simply addicted to the egotistical
gratification of death and destruction.  The only way you meet that kind
of man is with total and unswerving force, not an appreciation of his
media skills.  The depraved, the mad and the disenchanted will sign up
for a jihad with very little knowledge of what bin Laden stands for. 
The removal of US troops from the holy soil of Saudi Arabia and
resolution of Palestinian problem are surely pre texts rather than aims. 
He has a pathological loathing for the West and wishes it to be
permanently harmed. 

In the United States, where I spent three weeks after the attacks, there
seemed to be a genuine evaluation of where the country went wrong.  I
lost count of how many times I heard people admit that the US had been
too self-absorbed and too mean with its resources.  They wanted to know
why they inspired such hatred and, when they got the answer about the
support of Israel and the arrogant unilateralism of its policy makers,
they showed every sign of paying attention.  If there is one enormous
result of 11 September, it is the beginning of a radical change in
Americans' world view.  We must pray it continues. 

America's debate has been urgently undertaken with the goal of making
the country function better in the world, but it has not affected
essential beliefs in liberty and democratic institutions.  Americans
feel a stronger sense of mission because 11 September has made them
value these things so much more. 

In conversation with British friends, I find a different note.  'I am
not at war with Afghanistan,' said one.  'I object to Tony Blair
declaring war on my behalf.  He has not consulted Parliament or the
country.  I have got nothing against Afghanistan, nothing against its
people.' She said the whole thing was an American problem and implied,
like others, that they had brought the attacks on themselves. 

Any sane person must have doubts about the war, particularly now that
Britain is preparing to deploy Royal Marines currently on exercise in
Oman, but the view that this is not our problem is misguided.  When bin
Laden's suicide pilots crashed into the Pentagon and the World Trade
Centre he attacked all our values and liberties.  It follows that the
initiation of war came from the East, not George W.  Bush or Tony Blair. 

The arguments against British involvement and Blair's high profile are
underlaid by an old-fashioned relativism which says that the liberties
of the West have no higher moral value than the oppressive social
customs and political tyranny of many Muslim countries.  It is held to
be merely a matter of cultural difference that women have so few rights
under Islamic law, that welfare and education programmes suffer for the
greater cause of male political establishments.  I pointed this out to
my friend, a feminist who campaigns tirelessly for the rights of women,
but she was unpersuaded.  What mattered to her was the offence to our
democracy done by Tony's Blair's refusal to consult. 

In this there is an enormous failure of faith and conviction.  If
liberal beliefs are to be overturned so easily, we might as well hand
over the keys to all democratic institutions to the men from al-Qaeda. 
The point now is that we have to fight for what we hold dear, not mope
around saying that this isn't our war, while arguing weakly that we
should try to understand a culture which refuses to allow women to show
their faces and denies them and their female offspring education.  The
practices of some Muslim regimes aren't just different; they are wrong. 

During the last month all the Western powers have been at pains to
stress that this is a war against terrorism and not Islam.  Palpably
this is true and the representatives of the 57 Muslim nations who met in
Qatar seemed to accept it.  Their final statement did not demand proof
that bin Laden was responsible for the attacks, probably because bin
Laden's broadcast last week amounted to an admission of guilt.  So the
call to arms that he delivered has - for the moment - failed and we
should recognise that fact before granting him a propaganda victory. 
The world has not been plunged into a war of civilisations and, while
the regime that gave bin Laden shelter is pushed into a corner, his
networks are being tracked and broken by the largest international
intelligence operation ever mounted.  He is not beaten yet, but he
hasn't won either. 


It will take a long time to understand the full consequences of 11
September but we can say definitely that the era of US complacency has
ended and with it America's unquestioning support of Israel.  The
Palestinian problem is the most urgent issue facing the US and Europe
after the initial war against terrorism. 

Change is needed on all sides, but one wonders whether Islam will
experience the same tectonic shifts of attitude.  My guess is that it
will not, chiefly because Islamic culture has not produced the habits
and apparatus of self-criticism which have been developing in Western
societies since the Reformation.  Significantly, few, if any, British
Muslim clerics have supported the West's action against bin Laden,
although it must not escape them that they benefit from the freedoms
guaranteed by our democracy.  In the final analysis that may seem to be
a stance which is as unyielding as any American policy of the last nine
months. 

The West and Islam have to find a way of working together, but it is not
going to be easy.  There are deep differences between our worlds.  In
1922, R.H.  Tawney wrote in Religion and the Rise of Capitalism: 'Not
the least fundamental of divisions among theories of society is between
those which regard the world of human affairs as self-contained, and
those which appeal to a supernatural criterion.  Modern social theory,
like modern political theory, developed only when society was given a
naturalistic instead of religious explanation.' In a nutshell, we have
had a Reformation while the Muslim world has not. 

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This archive was generated by hypermail 2.1.2 : 2001-12-31 20:59:56 PST