[iwar] [fc:Stratfor:.Southwest.Saudi.Arabia:.Hotbed.of.Radical.Islam]

From: Fred Cohen (fc@all.net)
Date: 2001-10-24 07:09:20


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Subject: [iwar] [fc:Stratfor:.Southwest.Saudi.Arabia:.Hotbed.of.Radical.Islam]
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Southwest Saudi Arabia: Hotbed of Radical Islam
2200 GMT, 011023

Summary

Saudi Arabia's interior minister has warned members of the security
forces against sympathizing with Islamic radicals.  The unusually public
comments reveal mounting uncertainty within the royal family over the
loyalty of security forces.  The U.S.-led war against terrorism has
revealed a rift within Saudi society, and dissent from inhabitants of
the southwest region may threaten the government in Riyadh. 

Analysis

At an annual security conference in eastern Saudi Arabia, Interior
Minister Prince Nayef warned security forces against sympathizing with
Islamists opposed to the regime, the official Saudi Press Agency
reported Oct.  18.  Nayef's remarks -- unusually public for the
notoriously secretive government -- suggest that Riyadh doubts the
loyalty of security forces. 

The government has reason for suspicion.  Dissatisfaction with the royal
family's extravagant spending has simmered just beneath the surface of
Saudi society for years.  In the southwest several seemingly unrelated
incidents suggest growing unhappiness with the government in Riyadh and
its relationship with the United States.  Although a popular uprising in
Saudi Arabia is unlikely, rebellion from within the security forces or
organized Islamic militants from the southwest is possible. 

The government's strict control over all aspects of society has so far
kept organized political opposition in check.  But growing animosity
among citizens toward Riyadh's relationship with Washington -- evidenced
by recent protests -- has prompted the royal family to reconsider the
basing of U.S.  troops on Saudi soil.  Splits within the royal family
pose a political problem for the United States.  But the emergence of
radical Islamic opposition could force Riyadh's hand, resulting in the
expulsion of U.S.  troops and a drawdown in ties with Washington. 

Western Saudi Arabia, home to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, is
known as the Hijaz.  Once an independent state, the region is even more
staunchly conservative and deeply religious than the urban capital,
Riyadh.  The area is a bastion of support for exile Osama bin Laden and
is home to a large Yemeni immigrant population.  It is renowned for
religious significance but has not enjoyed the affluence and economic
development of the kingdom's eastern half. 

Farther south, the provinces of Asir, Jizan and Najran are even more
isolated, making them a key transit point for drug traffickers and a
hotbed for Islamist radicals.  These provinces depend upon Hijaz cities
such as Mecca, Jeddah and al-Taif and are even more politically distant
from Riyadh. 

During the early 1990s, the southwest became a haven for Afghan Arabs --
Muslim volunteers who had fought the Soviets in Afghanistan.  Many Arabs
returning from Afghanistan settled around Jizan and parts of Yemen as
well. 

The southwest is known for radical Islamism.  Investigators looking into
the bombing of the USS Cole in Aden, Yemen, in 2000 have linked suspects
to southwestern Saudi Arabia.  Moreover, a dozen of the 19 suspected
hijackers involved in the Sept.  11 attacks against the United States
are thought to have come from the area.  For example, brothers Wael and
Waleed Alshehri, believed to be aboard the plane that struck the World
Trade Center's North Tower, came from Khamis Mushayt, according to U.S. 
government officials. 

Khamis Mushayt, about 900 miles southwest of Riyadh, is close to the
King Faisal air base, where a number of Westerners work.  In August
2000, a Briton narrowly escaped after a gunman opened fire on the main
gate of the base, killing a Saudi Royal Air Force guard and wounding two
others, the Birmingham Post, a British daily, reported. 

The southwestern region is also an entry point for arms smugglers, drug
traffickers and illegal immigrants.  Hashish and khat are routinely
trafficked through the region from Yemen and North Africa.  For example,
area authorities arrested two smugglers with a ton of hashish in May,
the Saudi Gazette reported.  Police also arrested more than 3,000
illegal immigrants from Yemen and 13 suspected arms and drugs
traffickers in Jizan province the same month, according to Al-Riyadh, a
Saudi daily. 

Hints of political unrest in the southwest have already surfaced. 
Earlier this month, an arms depot outside the city of al-Taif -- just
south of Mecca -- was raided.  No further information is available, but
an unspecified number of weapons were stolen, according to Agence
France-Press.  Reports of sporadic and quickly dispersed demonstrations
in Mecca and other parts of the country -- though quickly denied by
Riyadh -- have also seeped into the Western press. 

Nayef's public warnings are not the only evidence suggesting members of
the security forces may pose a threat.  Two days after the bombing of
the USS Cole in October 2000, two Saudi security officers from the
southern region hijacked an airliner and diverted it to Iraq.  One of
the hijackers was born in Khamis Mushayt and served as a security
officer at the King Abd-al-Aziz International Airport in Jeddah.  The
other, born in Medina, was a border guard in the southwest Najran
province, the Saudi Press Agency reported. 

While no evidence linked the hijackers to the bombing of the USS Cole,
the two condemned Riyadh for human rights abuses and political
suppression.  Alone, these hijackers could be dismissed as little more
than lone radicals seeking escape from the strictness of Saudi life. 
But considered in the light of the events of Sept.  11 and the alleged
connection of 12 other men from the region to the suicide hijackings,
these men could represent more widespread dissonance and thus the
potential for rebellion from within the security services. 

The geographic and political isolation of Saudi Arabia's southwestern
provinces makes it an ideal locale for radical Islamists.  The ready
availability of weapons and recruits also makes the region difficult for
Riyadh to control. 

The government has taken steps to stave off revolt.  For example, within
the last year, Riyadh has initiated a number of development projects
aimed at boosting the region's economy.  The regime has awarded
contracts to build a highway linking the southwestern provinces to the
rest of the country and Jordan and has opened a number of technical
colleges.  Also, the minister of agriculture and water recently signed a
contract for the construction of a dam in Asir province, the Saudi
Gazette reported. 


The economic development, however, may be too little too late.  The
government has taken measures, such as setting up roadblocks and
arresting known Muslim extremists, to stifle dissent.  But Riyadh's
growing concerns about unrest suggest that discontented members of the
military, national guard and police may be merging with radicals and
opposition groups.  Such an alliance could portend serious trouble for
the government in Riyadh. 

An isolated military revolt may not be enough to oust the royal family,
but it could have dire consequences for Washington's continued military
presence in the kingdom. 

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This archive was generated by hypermail 2.1.2 : 2001-12-31 20:59:57 PST