[iwar] [fc:[NLS].**Yasir.Arafat?s.Planned.Christian.Genocide]

From: Fred Cohen (fc@all.net)
Date: 2002-01-10 19:26:41


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Date: Thu, 10 Jan 2002 19:26:41 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [iwar] [fc:[NLS].**Yasir.Arafat?s.Planned.Christian.Genocide]
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               Yasir Arafat’s Planned Christian Genocide
                       [See Photographs below]
                         by Professor M. Kahl

 Much has been said recently of Israel's decision to prevent Yasir
Arafat from attending Christmas services in Bethlehem until he
implements active measures to arrest terrorists. A casual reader can
easily assume that Arafat is supportive of Christians, and Israel
barring his presence is an affront to religious sensitivities the
world over.
We know that Islam in general is not at all receptive to infidels, Jew
or Christian, and that is shown by the pogroms targeting Christians
throughout the Muslim world, be it Egypt, the Sudan, Mauritania, the
Philippines, East Timor, and other countries too numerous to mention.
Can Arafat be an aberration? Hardly as Arafat’s concern with
Christians is not at all demonstrated by his past actions that
graphically portray an Arafat determined to destroy both Christians
and Christianity whenever possible.
The most recent reported of his disdain for Christian sensitivities
occurred in Jerusalem in 1997 when Arafat’s appointed WAQF attempted
to break through into the “Church of the Holy Sepulcher” from the
adjacent Al-Hanaqa Mosque, and showing their contempt, they put up a
latrine on the roof of the Church.
Ha’aretz 1 reported that:

     A Waqf internal report, written two weeks ago by the WAQF's
     Jerusalem engineer, 'Isam 'Awad, confirms many of the Christians'
     claims in the conflict that has emerged adjacent to the Holy
     Sepulcher Church regarding construction in the Church.
     The churches claim that the Waqf has harmed the historical and
     architectural substance of the Holy Sepulcher, as a result of a
     construction addition to the courtyard of the "Hanaqa," which
     leans on the wall of the Holy Sepulcher and even darkens it by
     its height.


Israel attempted to calm down the conflict after the Churches
complained and issued a work stoppage order against it, which was
promptly ignored. The same Ha’aretz story reported that: “The
Jerusalem district archeologist in the Antiquities Authority, John
Zeligman, wrote to the Waqf director, 'Adnan Husayni, pointing out to
the Waqf the damage to a site that is declared to be an antiquity and
threatens to go to law if work is not halted immediately.'”

Finally, the illegal construction was halted due to Israeli and world
pressure, but we can be certain that without pressure, the desecration
would have continued. The obvious question is why would Arafat attempt
to control holy sites in Jerusalem, then and now, as he knew there
would be severe protests at his actions? One explanation was given by
Ha’aretz 2 when they wrote:

     Yasser Arafat also understands that the churches are a hidden
     treasure of international influence, or as the Israeli document
     puts it: "Whoever controls the Christian holy sites in Jerusalem
     - controls the hearts of policy makers in the Western world."
     That is why he enlisted leaders of the Arab world in the battle
     to conclude the fight over the protest tent in Nazareth. It was
     important for him to prove that Muslims can live together with
     Christians, and that a Palestinian administration is able to
     handle inter-religious crises better than the Israeli
     administration.


However, these attempts by Arafat to control the local Christian
populations in Israel are little more than a pale reflection of his
actions in Lebanon where he is held responsible for Lebanon’s civil
war and the implementation of genocide and displacement of the local
Christian population that is still in progress. Numbers cited by
Lebanese sources attribute the deaths of hundreds of thousands of
Christians to Arafat’s legions.
Arafat’s brutality in Lebanon was never more vividly displayed then in
the town of Damour. The following information [as written] was
supplied and verified by Lebanese sources:

                The Massacre and Destruction of Damour

 Damour lay across the Sidon - Beirut highway about 20 km south of
Beirut on the slopes of a foothill of the Lebanon range, on the other
side of the road, beyond a flat stretch of coast, is the sea. It was a
town of some 25,000 people, containing five churches, three chapels,
seven schools, private and public, and one public hospital where
Muslims from near by villages were treated along with the Christians,
at the expense of the town.
On 9 January 1976, three days after Epiphany, the priest of Damour
Father Mansour Labaky, was carrying out a Maronite (Roman Catholics)
custom of blessing the houses with holy water. As he stood in front of
a house on the side of the town next to the Muslim village of Harat
Na'ami, a bullet whistled past his ear and hit the house. Then he
heard the rattle of machine-guns. He went inside the house, and soon
learned that the town was surrounded. Later he found out by whom and
how many: the forces of Sa'iqa, consisting of 16,000 Palestinians and
Syrians, and units of the Mourabitoun and some fifteen other militias,
reinforced by mercenaries from Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan and a
contingent of Libyans.
Father Labaky telephoned the Muslim sheikh of the district and asked
him, as a fellow religious leader, what he could do to help the people
of the town. 'I can do nothing,' he was told 'They want to harm you.
It is the Palestinians. I cannot stop them.'
While the shooting and some shelling went on all day, Father Labaky
telephoned a long list of people, politicians of both the Left and the
Right, asking for help. They all said with apologies and
commiserations that they could do nothing. Then he telephoned Kamal
Jumblatt, in whose parliamentary constituency Damour lay. 'Father,'
Jumblatt said, 'I can do nothing for you, because it depends on Yasser
Arafat.' He gave Arafat's phone number to the priest.
An aide answered, and when he would not call Arafat himself, Father
Labaky told him, 'The Palestinians are shelling and shooting at my
town. I can assure you as a religious leader, we do not want the war,
we do not believe in violence.' He added that nearly half the people
of Damour had voted for Kamal Jumblatt, 'who is backing you,' he
reminded the PLO man. The reply was, 'Father, don't worry. We don't
want to harm you. If we are destroying you it is for strategical
reasons.'
Father Labaky did not feel that there was any less cause for worry
because the destruction was for strategical reasons, and he persisted
in asking for Arafat to call off his fighters. In the end the aide
said that they, PLO headquarters, would 'tell them to stop shooting'.
By then it was eleven o'clock in the evening. As the minutes passed
and the shooting still went on, Father Labaky called Jumblatt again on
the telephone and told him what Arafat's aide had said. Jumblatt's
advice was that the priest should keep trying to make contact with
Arafat, and call other friends of his, 'because', he said, 'I do not
trust him'.
At about half-past eleven the telephone, water and electricity were
all cut off. The first invasion of the town came in the hour after
midnight, from the side where the priest had been shot at earlier in
the day. The Sa'iqa [Palestinian terror group, associated with Syria]
men stormed into the houses. They massacred some fifty people in the
one night. Father Labaky heard screaming and went out into the street.
Women came running to him in their nightdresses, 'tearing their hair,
and shouting "They are slaughtering us!" The survivors, deserting that
end of the town, moved into the area round the next church. The
invaders then occupied the part of the town they had taken. Father
Labaky describes the scene:
'In the morning I managed to get to the one house despite the shelling
to bring out some of the corpses. And I remember something which still
frightens me. An entire family had been killed, the Can'an family,
four children all dead, and the mother, the father, and the
grandfather. The mother was still hugging one of the children. And she
was pregnant. The eyes of the children were gone and their limbs were
cut off. No legs and no arms. It was awful. We took them away in a
banana truck. And who carried the corpses with me? The only survivor,
the brother ofthe man. His name is Samir Can'an. He carried with me
the remains of his brother, his father, his sister-in-law and the poor
children. We buried them in the cemetery, under the shells of the PLO.
And while I was burying them, more corpses were found in the street.'
The town tried to defend itself. Two hundred and twenty-five young
men, most of them about sixteen years old, armed with hunting guns and
none with military training, held out for twelve days. The citizens
huddled in basements, with sandbags piled in front of their doors and
ground-floor windows. Father Labaky moved from shelter to shelter to
visit the families and take them bread and milk. He went often 'to
encourage the young men defending the town'.
The relentless pounding the town received resulted in massive damage.
In the siege that had been established on 9 January the Palestinians
cut off food and water supplies and refused to allow the Red Cross to
take out the wounded. Infants and children died of dehydration. Only
three more townspeople were killed as a result of PLO fire between the
first night and the last day, 23 January. But on that day, when the
final onslaught came, hundreds of the Christians were killed. Father
Labaky goes on:
'The attack took place from the mountain behind. It was an apocalypse.
They were coming, thousands and thousands, shouting 'Allahu Akbar! God
is great! Let us attack them for the Arabs, let us offer a holocaust
to Mohammad ' And they were slaughtering everyone in their path, men,
women and children.'
Whole families were killed in their homes. Many women were gang-raped,
and few of them left alive afterwards. One woman saved her adolescent
daughter from rape by smearing her face with washing blue to make her
look repulsive. As the atrocities were perpetrated, the invaders
themselves took photographs and later offered the pictures for sale to
European newspapers. Survivors testify to what happened. A young girl
of sixteen, Soumavya Ghanimeh, witnessed the shooting of her father
and brother by two of the invaders, and watched her own home and the
other houses in her street being looted and burned. She explained:
'As they were bringing me through the street the houses were burning
all about me. They had about ten trucks standing in front of the
houses and were piling things into them. I remember how frightened I
was of the fire. I was screaming. And for months afterwards I couldn't
bear anyone to strike a match near me. I couldn't bear the smell of
it'.
She and her mother Mariam, and a younger Sister and infant brother,
had been saved from being shot in their house when she ran behind one
Palestinian for protection from the pointing gun of the other, and
cried out 'Don't let him kill us!'; and the man accepted the role of
protector which the girl had suddenly assigned to him. 'If you kill
them you will have to kill me too,' he told his comrade. So the four
of them were spared, herded along the streets between the burning
houses to be put into a truck, and trans-ported to Sabra camp in
Beirut. There they were kept in a crowded prison hut. 'We had to sleep
on the ground, and it was bitterly cold.'
When eventually Father Labaky found the charred bodies of the father
and brother in the Ghanimeh house 'you could no longer tell whether
they were men or women'.
In a frenzy to destroy their enemies utterly, as if even the absolute
limits ofnature could not stop them, the invaders broke open tombs and
flung the bones of the dead into the streets.Those who escaped from
the first attack tried to flee by any means they could, with cars,
carts, cycles and motorbikes. Some went on foot to the seashore to try
to get away in boats. But the sea was rough and the wait for rescue
was long, while they knew their enemies might fall upon them at any
moment.
Some 500 gathered in the Church of St Elias. Father Labaky went there
at six in the morning when the tumult of the attack awakened him. He
preached a sermon on the meaning of the slaughter of innocents. And he
told them candidly that he did not know what to tell them to do. 'If I
say flee to the sea, you may be killed. If I say stay here, you may be
killed.'
An old man suggested that they raise a white flag. 'Perhaps if we
surrender they may spare us.' Father Labaky gave him his surplice. He
put it on the processional cross and stood it in front of the church.
Ten minutes later there was a knock on the door, three quick raps,
then three lots of three. They were petrified. Father Labaky said that
he would go and see who was there. If it was the enemy, they might
spare them. 'But if they kill us, at least we shall die all together
and we'll have a nice parish in Heaven, 500 persons, and no check
points!' They laughed, and the priest went to the door.
It was not the enemy but two men of Damour who had fled the town and
had seen the white flag from the seashore. They had come back to warn
them that it would not help to raise a flag. 'We raised a flag in
front of Our Lady, and they shot at us.'
Again they discussed what could be done. The priest told them that one
thing they must do, although it was 'impossible', was to pray for the
forgiveness of those who were coming to kill them. As they prayed, two
of the young defenders of the town who had also seen the flag walked
in and said, 'Run to the seashore now, and we will cover you.
The two youths stood in front of the church and shot in the direction
from which the fedayeen were firing. It took ten minutes for all the
people in the church to leave the town. All 500 got away except one
old man who said he could not walk and would prefer to die in front of
his own house. He was not killed. Father Labaky found him weeks later
in a PLO prison, and heard what had happened after they left.
A few minutes after they had gone, 'the PLO came and bombed the church
without entering it. They kicked open the door and threw in the
grenades.' They would all have been killed had they stayed.
The priest led his flock along the shore to the palace of Camille
Chamoun. But when they got there they found it had already been sacked
and partly burnt. They found shelter, however, in the palace of a
Muslim, who 'did not agree with the Palestinians', and then got into
small boats Which took them out to a bigger boat, in which they sailed
to Jounieh. 'One poor woman had to give birth to her baby in the
little open boat on the rough winter sea.'
In all, 582 people were killed in the storming of Damour. Father
Labaky went back with the Red Cross to bury them. Many of the bodies
had been dismembered, so they had to count the heads to number the
dead. Three of the men they found had had their genitals cut off and
stuffed into their mouths.
The horror did not end there, the old Christian cemetery was also
destroyed, coffins were dug up, the dead robbed, vaults opened, and
bodies and skeletons thrown across the grave yard. Damour was then
transformed into a stronghold of Fatah and the PFLP (Popular Front for
the Liberation of Palestine). The ruined town became one of the main
PLO centres for the promotion of international terrorism. The Church
of St Elias was used as a repair garage for PLO vehicles and also as a
range for shooting-practice with targets painted on the eastern wall
of the nave.
The commander of the combined forces which descended on Damour on 23
January 1976 was Zuhayr Muhsin, chief of al-Sa'iqa, known since then
throughout Christian Lebanon as 'the Butcher of Damour'. He was
assassinated on 15 July 1979 at Cannes in the South of France.

1. Ha’aretz, May 11, 1997
2. Ha’aretz, July 13, 2000

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